Foreword:
Charu asked "Why Bangladesh has descended into such a perilous state - what mistakes did Sheikh Mujib make?"
She was referring to the current lawless state of Bangladesh - in her young mind, in her simple way, she was actually seeking the very complex causal links between now and then - the complex chain of historic events tempered by personalities, that led to the liberation of Bangladesh and the subsequent events that eventually brought it to its current perilous state. That simple question begged a lot- so I responded "there is no simple answer, I will explain it later", and left it at that.
However, her question kept bugging me - I always had a keen interest in the events surrounding the liberation war of Bangladesh, and the subsequent events. I have extensively collected and read almost anything that was published on these topics - but, till now, I never really tried to structure and link my disjointed understandings. So I decided to write it down - my understanding and analyses of the events, based on my personal experience and readings. With regard to the specifics, there may be some errors, unfortunately, I left all my books back in Bangladesh.
I hope that it will encourage Charu and other inquisitive young Bangladeshis to further explore the history and the issues.
Happy birthday dear Charu
Moin Ahsan
17/06/04
Canberra
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Sheikh Mujib delivering his historic Speech on 7th March
Part-1: Prelude-March 1971
It was late afternoon, 1st of March 1971 I was at the Dhaka Stadium with my friend Dilu, watching the exhibition match between Pakistan and the Commonwealth Eleven when all hell broke loose. Suddenly the crowd became riotous, particularly on the western gallery. They were chanting slogans - lighting fires everywhere, gathering whatever they could some were hurling things at the ground and the players - bricks, bottles, shoes, sandals, fruits and whatever else they could lay their hands on. The players were perplexed, particularly the Commonwealth players they had no clue, what caused the crowd anger neither did we know!
Outside, the Jinnah Avenue (now Bongobondhu Avenue) had erupted into spontaneous angry processions. People were very agitated and ready to vent their anger by burning or destroying something. Soon the news filtered back to us Military dictator of Pakistan, General Yahia Khan has postponed the scheduled 3rd March sitting of the newly elected Pakistan National assembly, where Sheikh Mujibs Awami League had the absolute majority and Mujib was guaranteed to become the next Prime Minister of Pakistan.
We were ninth grade school kids - at the prospect of more strikes and no school, we were elated, and somewhat angry angry as well. We were politically quite conscious and well informed even at that age like most other students of that time moreover, I was a student of the University Laboratory School, located at the center of the Dhaka University whose students led every Bengali nationalist movements since the great language movement the center of everything that was happening.
Soon we streamed out of the stadium with the angry mob shouting slogans:
JALLO JALLO JALLO JALLO - AGOON JALO AGOON JALO. (Burn everything)
PAKISTANER MUKHEY LATHI MARO BANGLADESH SHADHIN KORO.
(Kick on the face of Pakistan, Liberate Bangladesh)
YAHIAR MUKHEY LATHI MARO BANGLADESH SHADHIN KORO.
(Kick on the face of Yahia, Liberate Bangladesh)
BHUTTOR MUKHEY LATHI MARO BANGLADESH SHADHIN KORO.
(Kick on the face of Bhutto, Liberate Bangladesh)
Like most ordinary people, that was the first time I came across the idea of an independent Bangladesh. Till then, to most people the idea of an independent Bangladesh was largely unknown.
Later, I learned that although, at that time, Shadhinota/ liberation was a new idea to the masses some small underground political groups had been nurturing that idea for a long time, although, they had no following among the masses. Occasionally mercurial Maolana Bhashni (leader of the pro China faction of the National Awami Party or NAP) called for Shadhinota during the 1969 movements. However, he neither had a large following, nor did he promote the idea in a serious and sustained way it was more of rhetoric occasional outbursts.
However, unknown to the wider masses at that time, there was a small but quite influential secret group led by Sirajul Alam Khan (later the founder of JASOD), Abdur Razzak (now Awami league leader) and few others. Since early 1960s, they were working on the idea of an independent Bangladesh and called themselves "Shadhin Bangla Neucleus". They were very influential because it was their followers who were leading the Awami League's student front, which in turn led all the mass movements leading up to March 1971. With that leverage, this small group exerted immense influence on the Awami league leadership, including its supreme leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
However, in spite of their immense political influence at that time, except for a very few in the inner circle of the student movement, most people were not even aware of the existence of "Shadhin Bangla Neucleus". Its reclusive leader Sirajul Alam Khan was known only in the political circles, even most of them were not aware of the existence of the secret "Shadhin Bangla Neucleus".
Going back to the events leading up to 1st March 1971 -
A student led mass movement in 1969 had ousted the then Pakistani Dictator Ayub Khan and secured the unconditional release of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Sheikh Mujib was imprisoned for a long time on sedition charges under the so-called Agartala Conspiracy Case.
Before resigning, Pakistani dictator Ayub khan declared Martial Law and handed over the power to Pakistan's Army Chief General Yahia Khan. Yahia promised elections to quell the political unrest and the clamor for democracy, and elections were dully held in late 1970.
Sheikh Mujib and his Awami League, with an election manifesto demanding provincial autonomy and fairer share of resources for East Pakistan, rode on a tide of massive popularity and captured all but two of the National Assembly seats in East Pakistan. The results stunned even the most optimist Awami Leaguers. And, off course it did stun and upset the Pakistan's ruling elite they did not bargain for it when they agreed to hold the elections they did not envisage such a landslide Awami league victory in East Pakistan. At that time East Pakistan had the majority (about56%) of Pakistan's population, and by virtue of that it also had the majority of the Pakistan's National assembly seats. Although, Awami League did not win a single seat in West Pakistan, just by winning all but two seats in East Pakistan, it had gained an absolute majority in the Pakistan National Assembly now it could form the government by itself, and Sheikh Mujib was guaranteed to become the next Prime Minister of Pakistan.
But Pakistani elite had no intention to hand over power to Mujib so easily. Pakistani palace conspiracy began in earnest.
A very ambitious and ruthless Julfikar Ali Bhuttos Pakistan Peoples Party has won the majority seats in West Pakistan, although far short of the Awami League tally. He undemocratically demanded a share of the power and wanted Awami League to curtail its extensive design for provincial autonomy. He threatened mass agitation in West Pakistan if Sheikh Mujib did not give in to his demands. Behind the scene, Pakistani ruling elite and General Yahia khan fell behind Bhutto. Such was their mistrust of Bengalis and Sheikh Mujib that they wanted an agreement from Mujib on power sharing and provincial autonomy issues, even before the formal opening of the elected National Assembly.
Mujib and Awami league, with their clear popular mandate had no reason to give in to such unscrupulous and undemocratic demands - and they stood firm.
In this backdrop, on 1st March 1971, on prodding from Bhutto and the Pakistani elite, General Yahia Khan indefinitely postponed the opening of the Pakistan National Assembly, scheduled to take place in Dhaka, two day later, on 3rd March.
Watching the recent political events, Bengalis were already suspicious of the Pakistani intention and seething the announcement just pour oil in that simmering fire almost from nowhere, instantly 'sadhinota/independence' became the rallying war cry, and it spread like a wild bushfire. Behind the scenes, followers of Shadhin Bangla Neucleus seized the moment, there could not be any better opportunity for them, masses were now all set to readily embrace their idea.
Many years back, probably in early 1950s, American writer James Michener wrote about the new state of Pakistan "Pakistan is a political absurdity, a geographical absurdity and an economic absurdity" - it was a country doomed from its inception.
However, that was the view of the very learned few the ordinary masses and most political leaders had no such foresight, they were simply reacting to the absolute stupidity of the Pakistani ruling elite after years of struggles they were at the end of their patience with Pakistan - now that the Pakistanis were conspiring to deny them their hard earned victory. Shadhinota or Liberation remained the only viable option for them but they were also caught totally unprepared for the coming struggle - they were now the hostages of the situation, so was their leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
As me and Dilu came out of the stadium we saw a older boy from our neighborhood running at the front of a procession heading for the Gulistan cinema hall with a lighted torch in his hand they were going to burn down the cinema hall, because it owned by a Pakistani. How exciting! We also ran after the procession. That boy along with few others climbed on the porch and lighted the cinema hall amidst the cheer of the crowd. Few more buildings were lighted and situation was turning increasingly violent and more and more militant processions poured on to the streets of Dhaka. We walked back the few kilometers to home as all public transports had stopped.
Sheikh Mujib was in a most unenviable position as the leader he was now riding a tiger most students and youth had overnight became fervent supporters of independence - now they did not want anything short of an independent Bangladesh, and masses were rapidly falling behind them. A nation so emotionally charged that the situation was running out of control of everyone, including Sheikh Mujib, and off course the stupid Pakistani ruling elite.
In an effort to prevent the runaway situation descending into an anarchy, Sheikh Mujib announced that he would outline his response in a public rally at Dhaka Racecourse (now Ramna Uddan) on 7th March.
There was immense pressure on Mujib to call for independence on 7th March, particularly by the hardliners led by Sirajul Alam Khan. Some hotheads even threatened to declare him a traitor if he did not do so emotions were running so strong in favour of independence that even Sheikh Mujib, then the absolute leader of the Bengalis, could not dare to go against that tide.
But Sheikh Mujib and most senior Awami League leaders knew, how little the masses and the ordinary students understood the disastrous consequences of a sudden declaration of independence. Bengalis were hopelessly unprepared for a war of liberation politically and organizationally, and particularly, militarily- they were absolutely unarmed, pitted against the ruthless Pakistani Military machine. Any sudden declaration of independence would have had only one outcome one-sided massacre of the Bengalis.
Next few days, the whole country held their breath in anxious anticipation what Sheikh Mujib would say on 7th March? People were tense and fearful about what the future held for them; discussing the imminent civil war and bloodbath.
On 7th March, I could not even get near the racecourse. Since early morning it was full and the crowd had already spilled out all around it, even the surrounding trees and rooftops were full people have come from every corner of the country to hear Sheikh Mujib the crowd was more than a million strong. Many had come with assorted home made weapons (no fire arms). On a word from Sheikh Mujib, they were ready to attack the Dhaka Cantonment and Pakistan Army with those home made weapons emotions and rage were running that high. The whole atmosphere was like a powder keg waiting for a spark from Mujib to go off.
I somehow managed to go near Shahbag. Around 4:00 pm Sheikh Mujib delivered his historic speech in his thunderous voice amidst the roaring cheers of the crowd.
He talked about liberation and freedom, without actually declaring independence he directed the masses to begin a total and indefinite non-cooperation movement against the Pakistani Government till the National Assembly is recalled. The speech was such a political masterpiece he had walked the tight rope a potential bloodbath was averted, at least for the time being.
The violence subsided and non-cooperation was total, everything, except the emergency services stopped even the Bengali units of the security forces patrolled the streets unarmed. However, it only bought Sheikh Mujib some extra time.
Hopes were raised, when, around middle of March General Yahia Khan and few days later Bhutto arrived in Dhaka to begin talks with Sheikh Mujib - they were still pursuing their unscrupulous demands - anyhow, talks began.
As the talks went on - everyday and every waking hour, the whole country was waiting breathlessly to hear an outcome, There was immense pressure of the public opinion on Sheikh Mujib, to not to give in an inch. Sheikh Mujib was apparently seeking a position, which he thought he could make palatable for the public he was trying to avert the bloodbath that was coming, without being labeled a traitor he was walking a tight rope again.
That begs a question, what was Sheikh Mujib's position on independence?
Mujib and his top lieutenants were fighting for provincial autonomy for a along time and they had won a massive mandate from the Bengalis on that platform. All political rationale would indicate that at that stage, till the Pakistanis forced them Sheikh Mujib and Awami League had no reason to consider independence. They were poised to take over the Government of whole Pakistan, why would they want just a part of it and that also through a violent armed struggle, for which they had no preparation?
Moreover, Awami League being a traditional petty bourgeois political party, had its roots in the Bengali middle class its leaders were traditional politicians, they were no revolutionaries with grand visions and neither they were steeped in revolutionary rigors. They were used to achieving their goals through traditional political means, within the existing socio-political system. The absence of any serious preparations for an armed struggle suggests that before 1st March, independence was not on Awami League's agenda, and that they even did not seriously consider that such a contingency might arise.
The situation has forced them into considering independence almost unprepared.
What about Sirajul Alam Khan and his group? By the middle of March, they had the bulk of the students behind them, and through them they were fanning the idea of independence amongst the masses. By doing so they were leaving very little room for Sheikh Mujib in his negotiations with Yahia Khan and Bhutto.
However, other than fanning the clamor for independence, and organising boy scout like parades and training of students with dummy rifles, they also did not have any real preparation for an armed struggle. Subsequent events would indicate that they were more of middle class theorists, intellectuals and romantics than revolutionaries. Even their theory and strategy did not go beyond propagating the idea of independence on the back of Awami League's popularity. They had little or no connections with the masses - from their subsequent actions it appeared that at that stage they neither had any effective organisation or strategy to undertake the armed struggle, nor any clear vision for the way forward. Some even suggest that some of them were acting as agent provocateurs for a foreign power.
In this connection, it must be remembered that it was still the cold war era. In the subcontinent the archenemies India and Pakistan were firmly allied with the two opposing superpowers - Pakistan with USA and India with Russia. Behind the scene, in order to isolate Russia from its communist peer China, Pakistan under the master plan of Henry Kissinger was in the process of brokering a deal between USA and China. And off course, for India the developing situation in East Pakistan was a strategic dream coming true - a golden opportunity offered on a platter - to resize its archenemy Pakistan and neutralise its eastern border. To complicate things further, at that time, in Indian West Bengal an ultra left Naxalite insurgency was at its peak - this would also have significant influence on the coming events in Bangladesh.
So, the more turbulent East Pakistan was getting the more it was becoming the playground of the superpower politics and all other kind of politics.
What about the other political parties? - There were quite a few, but in that all engulfing Awami League tide, all those parties were swept to the fringe or into virtual non existence. Both factions of left leaning National Awami Party and their student fronts had already informally aligned themselves with Awami League, so was the Communist Party. Few isolated and very small ultra left underground parties viewed the struggle as a fight between the bourgeois swines - anyway, their views did not matter, they were so miniscule and so disconnected from the masses. But then, there was a block of old parties, who were staunch supporters of Pakistan - they wanted to maintain the integrity of their beloved Muslim Pakistan at any cost.
This pro-Pakistani block were mainly comprised of: Pakistan Muslim League (the Party that founded Pakistan), fundamentalist Jamat-E-Islami party and few other Islamist and assorted other parties. Although total tally of these parties was just a single National Assembly seat in East Pakistan, they had larger following than their election tally would indicate - the election was held under 'winner takes it all' Westminster model. The position of these parties also reflected a fundamental conflict in Bengali identity - are they Bengali Muslims or just Bengalis? At different points in history Bengalis swung in either direction, and emotional Bengalis tend to swing totally when they swing. In 1946 they swung all the way for Pakistan voting 96% for Muslim League in order to establish Pakistan - in 1946, the Bengali Muslim identity was absolutely dominant!
Till today, this tug of religio-cultural identity remains a very dominant political factor in Bangladesh.
However, in 1971 it was the 'just Bengali' identity that was absolutely dominant. At that stage it was the followers of Sirajul Alam Khan who were in control of the movements and the streets. A new flag of an independent Bangladesh was designed and the student leaders formally raised that flag in Paltan Maidan on 23rd March on the Pakistan day. Since that day, that flag was flying almost on every rooftop and everywhere else.
Hope for a negotiated settlement was rapidly vanishing with each passing day, Pakistanis were everyday bringing in more and more troops and arms from West Pakistan. Then on the evening of 25th March, General Yahia Khan suddenly left for Islamabad - talks had collapsed.
The signs were ominous - although, Bengalis remained hopelessly unprepared for it.
The Pakistan Army descended on the unarmed population of Dhaka at midnight. The population of Dhaka were awakened by the incessant rattle of machine gun brush-fires the night sky was lighting up every now and then from the streaking tracer bullets. According to some estimates, on that night the Pakistani Army killed 10 to 25 thousand innocent people in Dhaka.
We later learned that most Awami League leaders had gone underground that night on Sheikh Mujib's instruction or fled on their own - so did the student leaders. Sheikh Mujib decided to stay at house and later that night he was arrested by the Pakistani Army.
It was the unsuspecting ordinary people and students who got killed that night - allmost all the leaders survived, they had some fore-warning of the Pakistani intention - but most fled without warning their followers.
Why the Pakistanis did what they did?
First, refusing to handover power to Awami League and then the heinous massacre of 25th March.
To understand the Pakistani elite, one has to understand their roots and the sociopolitical environment of Pakistan.
Pakistan was still very much an authoritarian feudal Society, with large land holding families ruling over their serfs. The military and the civil service, was dominated by the Muslim immigrants from North India and by the Punjabis. The North Indian Muslims, due to their proximity to Delhi were involved in the British administration in Delhi, and by virtue of that experience came to dominate the civilian administration of Pakistan. Similarly, Punjab was the main recruiting base for the British Indian Army - Hence, the Punjabis dominated the military in Pakistan.
Pakistan's ruling elite - politicians, army top brass, bureaucrats, industrialists and business leaders, largely belonged to the feudal class and their outlook very much reflected their feudal origin.
During most of its' history, Pakistan was ruled by its army in collusion with the bureaucracy. It perfectly suited the elite the army maintaining the existing and social and economic orders for them, without the nuisance of messy democracy and the masses.
Since the formation of Pakistan, its feudal elite took it as their birth right to rule Pakistan, and they were not ready to share that power with the Bengalis. They loathed the darker Bengali masses and their middle class Awami League leaders, whom they never considered as equals. Particularly, they feared their demand for provincial autonomy as it would permanently curtail their power over East Pakistan.
Thus, the results of 1970s election posed the most serious challenge to their entrenched grip on Pakistan. They fell behind the power hungry Bhutto, in order to save the situation for themselves - they could trust him; he was one of their own.
It was quite apparent that while they were negotiating with Sheikh Mujib, at the same time they were also preparing a fall back plan to crush the Bengalis with the brutal military might, incase Sheikh Mujib did not give in to their demands. In their feudal mindset, it was a perfectly legitimate option and in their closed minds they were absolutely certain about its success right after 25th March, Pakistani General's boasted that they had crushed the Bengalis at least for the next fifty years.
They never learned the lessons of history - So they did, what they did.
However, like Hitler's "Thousand Year Reich" that disappeared in just over four years, the ignorant Pakistani's would also learn the lessons of history, in a most humiliating manner - in just over nine months time!
The die was cast, the point of no return had been crossed on that fateful night, and the liberation war for Bangladesh had began - though, totally unprepared and mostly as a reaction to the Pakistani brutality.
This imposed, unprepared beginning of the liberation war will have far reaching repercussions.
(To be continued )
email: nirbodh@gmail.com
© Moin Ahsan 2004